Wednesday, 23 October 2013

Tribute: Comrade Baba Olumide Omojola (1938 – 2013)

Late Baba Omojola

By Nelson Ekujumi

Born on July 13, 1938 and named ADEWOLE BABARINDE OMOJOLA AJIBOLA but known as BABA (OLUWIDE) OMOJOLA - his operational name in the course of revolutionary duties in Africa and his activism in the social movement in Nigeria. Baba Oluwide was educated at Ilesa Grammar School, Osun State (1952 – 56); London School of Economics (LSE) (1958 – 61) and Central School of Planning and Statistics, Warsaw, Poland (1969 – 70), Comrade Baba Omojola set a scholarship record as the most brilliant student in (LSE) with a 1st Class Degree in Economics in 1961 - a record that endured for more than four decades and was only recently equalled by his own son - Akinola - who also graduated from (LSE).

Baba Omojola was a man of many parts. He was a foremost patriot, nationalist, man of peace, Human Right and Labour Activist, writer, educationist, economist, humanist, Africanist, bridge builder, socialist, grassroots mobilizer, lover of youths and progress, Encyclopedia of African culture and tradition, family man, etc, who devoted his time and resources to the cause of a prosperous, democratic and just society, till he breathed his last.

Baba Omojola early in life charted his path of service to humanity by actively participating in several Nationalist struggles which culminated in Nigeria’s independence from the colonialist. He collaborated extensively with patriots and nationalists of generations ahead of him and those of successive generations, among whom were: Obafemi Awolowo, Michael Imoudu, Wahab Goodluck, Dapo Fatogun, Eskor Toyo, Edwin Madunagu, Tayo Akpata, Rita Lori Ogbebor, Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, Aminu Kano, Hajiya Gambo Sawaba, S. G. Ikoku, Raji Abdalla, Kola Balogun, Mokwugo Okoye, Anthony Enahoro, Alao Aka-Bashorun, Tai Solarin, M. E. Kolagbodi, Ola-Oni, Balarabe Musa, Abubakar Rimi, General KKM Kassonghov, Abayomi Ferreira, M. T. Akobo, Ken Saro-Wiwa, Alfred Ilenre, Gani Fawehinmi, Beko Ransome-Kuti, Ambassador Otunla, S. O Wey, M. D. Yusuf, Femi Falana, Keziah Awosika, etc.

Comrade Baba as a man of many parts was a one time political adviser to the PRP Kano State Government of Abubakar Rimi in 1979 – 83. His focus on the socialist transformation of the society, led him into engagement and collaboration with diverse people and organizations in Nigeria and across the world.

Baba Oluwide Omojola was also a leading light in the emancipation of Nigerians from the shackles of military despots during which time he was illegally detained and hounded severally with other pro democratic activists like late Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Beko Ransome Kuti, Anthony Enahoro, Femi Falana, Femi Aborishade, Ayo Opadokun, etc by the Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha juntas. Baba Omojola is famously remembered as one of the KUJE 5 political prisoners comprising others like Beko Ransome Kuti, Gani Fawehinmi, Femi Falana and Segun Maiyegun whose trial by the military junta of IBB broke the myth of masses fear of the military and galvanized social and political activism against the Khaki interlopers.

Baba Omojola was a strong advocate of true federalism and democracy which was one of the reasons why he joined ranks with progressive forces of like minds such as late Chief Anthony Enahoro, Beko Ransome Kuti, Wole Soyinka and others to midwife the Pro National Conference (PRONACO) of ethnic nationalities whose draft constitution he vigorously propagated till he answered the ultimate call of his maker.

Baba Omojola was a torch bearer and rallying point of several ethnic nationalist groups, with particular emphasis on the Yoruba nation self identity which he championed and ensured that there was harmony and collaboration with other ethnic nationality groups to proffer solutions to the myriad of problems besetting the Nigerian state.

Comrade Baba was an organization man who belonged to several organizations and groups visioned towards societal reformation and restructuring of Nigeria via a Sovereign National Conference (SNC). Baba was a key and silent organiser and strategist at various levels of organization including Zikist Movement (1953), Youth Universal Liberation Army (YULA), Movement for Popular Democracy in Nigeria (MPD) 1976, People's Redemption Party (PRP), Socialist Revolutionary Vanguard (SRV), National Consultative Forum NCF (that organized the 1990 National Conference that was aborted by the IBB dictatorship), Campaign for Democracy (CD), National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), Socialist Conferences in Nigeria between 1960s - 2000s, All-Nigerian Socialist Alliance (ANSA), Pro-National Conference Organizations (PRONACO), Socialist Party of Nigeria (SPN), June 12 Coalition of Democratic Formations, Action Group, etc.

An archivist, editor of several journals in popular struggle and custodian of the most extensive materials on labour struggle and social movement in Nigeria from which he authored - Part 1 of the Imoudu Biography - a political history of Nigeria 1939 – 50, Yoruba Social Science Terms 2013. He was the editor, Mass Line – a Marxists cadre journal. Comrade Baba Omojola also translated the Communist Manifesto into the Yoruba language.

Baba Omojola was one among his contemporaries whose contribution to democratic struggle is legendary and defies borders. Comrade Baba was an essential link with Fidel Castro and Ernesto Che Guevara in the African liberation struggles in Algeria, Congo-Zaire and Southern Africa. He was also a revolutionary confidant and combatant to Ahmed Ben Bella who became the first President of Algeria after the defeat of French colonialism, a revolutionary worker with Winnie Mandela following the establishment of the Mandela House in London as a coordinating centre of the international phase of the African National Congress (ANC) struggle against Apartheid South Africa.

Baba Oluwide Omojola who functioned as the revolutionary confidant-courier between Kwame Nkrumah and Nigerian Labour Leader No 1 - Michael Imoudu, was a foremost African political economist. He was distinguished as a Member of Honourable Society of the Inner Temple of England 1962, Fellow of the Royal Economic Society of England 1963, Research Fellow of the United Nations Research Institute for Developing countries 1969, Member of the Economic Commission of Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity Organization, Cairo 1970, Consultant/Specialist of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, Addis Ababa, 1975, a life Member of the Nigerian Economic Society since 1984, listed in the Data Bank of Social Scientists as a member of the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Dakar in 1983, etc.

A veteran of numerous and decisive underground revolutionary struggles on the African scene, Comrade Baba played host and provided cover for most African freedom fighters who were in Nigeria clandestinely at one time or the other in the 1960s to early 80s, including Thabo Mbeki who later became the 2nd President of independent South Africa. He was one of the few Africans who actively participated in the liberation struggle against then anti Apartheid regime in Southern Africa. He endured detention and physical injuries to leave his footprints in the sand of time as a liberator for Africans.

On the home front, Baba Omojola was a Rock of Gibraltar behind the Nigerian student’s movement which he guided and mentored for revolutionary change. He provided financial, emotional and material relief to distressed Nigerians especially expelled or rusticated student activists of various levels. He was a teacher and mentor to late Chima Ubani amongst several others.

Baba Omojola was a comrade per excellence who gave his all to societal cause wherever and whenever the clarion call arose not minding the risk to his personal safety and health, which was why, even at 75 years of age, Baba’s commitment to the peoples cause was incomparable hence he still found out time to be in Akure against all odds to make his presentation at the National Conference Advisory Committee zonal meeting, after which he moved on to higher service. Oh, what a great man!

Until his passage, Comrade Baba Omojola was the chairman Econsultants (Overseas) limited, a firm of integrated economic and industrial engineers which is listed as planners in the Directory of African Consulting Organization by the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa since 1975.

Comrade Baba Oluwide Omojola is survived by his wife - Dr. Iyabode Cole-Ajibola and three children -Eyinade Ajibola, Akinola Ajibola and Morenike Ajibola and numerous other children and grandchildren. Baba Oluwide Omojola was a devout traditionalist, who worshipped at Indigene Faith of Africa (Ijo Orunmila Ato).

As we celebrate the life and times of this great son of Mama Africa, here’s wishing that the Almighty will grant the immediate and extended family, the human right community, relations, friends and well wishers the fortitude to bear this irreparable loss and we also pray that God in his infinite mercy gives us the grace to carry on from where Comrade Baba Oluwide Omojola left, by rededicating ourselves to a life of selfless service to humanity for a peaceful and prosperous world.

Adieu Baba Oluwide Omojola, sleep well till we meet to part no more!

Sun re o Baba, ma je okunrun, ma je ekolo, ohun ti won ba nje ni ajule orun ni ko ba won je!

Aluta Continua, Victoria Ascerta!

News Release: Separating Igbo Cause, Democracy And Good Governance In Nigeria

(This is the continuation of our Public Information of 20th October, 2013, titled :Intersociety Fights For Igbo Cause & Good Governance In Nigeria: APC’s Attacks Against Our Leadership Another War Against Igbo Gods & A Boarding Pass Off Anambra 2013.  Ngige, Peter Obi, Poll Rigging, Emeka Umeagbalasi & Intersociety)

In 2002, a coalition of human rights activists in Anambra State were brought together and they joined forces with the “Mother Church” to form a strong coalition to fight election rigging and disastrous governance in Anambra State then under Dr. Chinwoke Mbadinuju’s inglorious epoch. The “Mother Church” was represented by the JDPC and prominent among the congregated rights groups was the Anambra State Branch of the Civil Liberties Organization under Comrade Emeka Umeagbalasi.

In the April 2003 governorship poll, the Coalition, with the help of the “Mother Church’s” JDPC, deployed over 4000 monitoring agents in all the polling booths in the State. Except in two wards in Anambra West LGA, where the poll did not take place, all other results were obtained, studied and analyzed at the JDPC secretariat in Onitsha and they clearly showed that Mr. Peter Obi of the All Progressives Grand Alliance won the poll with a wide margin. But to the shocking of everybody, Dr. Chris Nwabueze Ngige was returned by INEC and later administered with the oaths of office and allegiance. Peter Obi and his party, too, through their agents, collected results, which tallied with ours.

Dozens of ballot boxes filled with cast votes were later found floating on rivers in Omambala or river-line and forest areas of the State including Igbo-ukwu in Aguata LGA. Dozens of the election result forms called “Form EC8As” were also found torn to shreds by Dr. Chris Ngige and his godfathers-led poll agents. Dr. Chris Ngige’s inaugural speech contained some paragraphs dedicated to one Chris Ubah for making him the governor. The speech was also interrupted for minutes in the form of “Ahu Nze, Ebie Okwu” (when a titled man enters the scene, all protocols are suspended in his honor), when the quantity arrived the inauguration ground midway into Dr. Chris Ngige’s inaugural speech, in recognition of his then mastery in poll rigging and coronation of plum public holders, in return for huge financial gains.

After the armada of electoral fraud, the Coalition, including “the Mother Church”, represented by the JDPC resolved to go court or support the presumed winner should he decides to go to court to challenge the heart-breaking rigging. Other public interest groups and public figures like the local branch of Ohaneze Ndigbo supported the Coalition and joined forces with them. In September, 2003, the first hearing of the poll rigging case commenced at the Anambra State Governorship Election Petition Tribunal, sitting at Awka. The five panel tribunal was headed by Hon. Justice Garuba Nabaruma.

Few months after the commencement of the matter, interests and pressures crept into the Coalition. The JDPC of “theMother Church”, which earlier vowed to appear before any tribunal or court to give evidence, chickened out, citing pressures from “home front”. Few months later, Dr. Chris Ngige became a knight of the Catholic Church and before members of the Coalition could close their eyes and open, 80% of its Coalition partners have thrown in their towel; saying “election rigging has come to stay in Nigeria and you can’t fight, but accept it”. By 2005 August, when the first unanimous verdict was delivered in favour of Peter Obi and Anambra voters, the Coalition camp has emptied, leaving behind few die-hard activists led by Comrade Emeka Umeagbalasi and his Anambra CLO.

In 2004, the Ngige camp, represented by one Emeka Ngige, SAN, wrote the national leadership of the CLO, asking it to disband the Anambra CLO’s leadership, so that his camp can easily clamp on its leader, Comrade Emeka Umeagbalasi and send him to jail on “sedition charges” or any other spurious criminal charges. An administrative secretary attached to the Enugu zonal office was procured to hand in spurious indictable report to facilitate the Anambra Branch’s “disbandment”. When the national leadership of the CLO stood its ground and rejected the spurious memo of the said admin staff, the Ngige camp opted for libel litigation, whereupon he sued in his personal capacity.

On March 15, 2006, the Enugu Division of the Court of Appeal, headed by Hon. Justice Danladi Mohammed, with Hon. Justice James Ogebe, as the administrative judge, returned unanimously, Peter Obi’s sacred mandate and ordered Dr. Chris Ngige, who was the then interloper governor out of office. During the 27 months (May 2003 to August 2005) proceedings at the tribunal, Dr. Chris Ngige’s camp called 525 witnesses as against Peter Obi’s 45. The Anambra CLO wrote over 72 petitions and press releases in the course of the electoral mandate recovery advocacy and faced several threats of elimination from Dr. Chris Ngige’s camp.
Anambra Rights Community’s Pact With Peter Obi:

Contrary to false impressions that seem to have become a norm in Nigerian culture, non-governmental organizations are not invented to serve as enemies of governments, particularly popular governments. From 1839, when the world first recorded NGO, called “Anti Slavery International” was founded, to the post second world war global NGO revolution, NGO serves to make people’s lives and cultures better and refined by consistent advocacies and constructive and proactive engagements with popular governments in matters of good governance and people’s liberties.

 Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch policies of “dealing with any government in power” in matters of human rights, for instance, have been seminally challenged by many modern thinkers; on the grounds that “human rights and human rights defenders fare better under popularly instituted governments” than under those instituted roguishly.

Flowing from the foregoing, therefore, our pact with the present popular government in Anambra State, which we labored to restore its stolen mandate over seven years ago, is not for clannish political and monetary gains like it is seemingly the case in Lagos and other APC States. It is purely for proactive and constructive engagements or reasons. In June 2006, the then Anambra CLO leadership under Comrade Emeka Umeagbalasi held a meeting with Governor Peter Obi at the Onitsha GRA Government Annex. The likes of unforgettable Barrister Chuka, obele-chuka and other activists also attended. They told Governor Peter Obi in black and white that none of them, despite being qualified academically to occupy any public office including the AG of the State, was willing to serve in his government, but to remain in the opposition to checkmate his excesses and point out areas that need to be attended to, in the interest of the public. They also told him boldly and begged him too, not to fail in governance so as not to make voters disenchanted and lost faith in popular poll and government. They charged him to ensure that at the end he leaves Anambra far more than he met it. This hallowed pact has continued till date.

Generally, NGOs’ interest in any popular government is divided into “egalitarian partisanship” and “libertarian partisanship”. But in roguishly instituted governments, any NGO support or partnership with such regimes is solely “libertarian partisanship” oriented. Like in the universal concept of human rights, where that of USA is referred to as “libertarian” ( rights layered in selfishness or rights for only American citizens and death for others) as against Europe’s “egalitarian rights” or rights for Europeans and non-Europeans alike; our “partisanship” interest in the Government of Anambra State is purely “egalitarian” or public interest for public good as against parochial interest for private pockets (libertarian partisanship), which seems to be the order of the day in Lagos and other APC States.

Our popular website ( contains series of attacks against some policies considered anti people and unpopular formulated and implemented by the present popularly elected Government of Anambra State. This includes malicious demolition of suspected criminal properties outside court pronouncements, imposition of death penalty on suspected kidnappers, smokescreen security policy of “arming kidnappers, assassins and  armed robbers of tomorrow”, using monstrous vigilantism, creation and maintenance of militant entities for collection of revenues, to mention but a few. Our popular website is a guide.

It is correct to say that nine-nine percent of followers and other people who left Mr. Peter Obi today, left because of his insistence that public money is not meant for private pockets, but for public good. This, they tagged “misery” or “frugality”. One of the secret campaign weapon reportedly employed by the opposition parties and their candidates for the November 16, 2013 governorship poll, who may include the APC and its candidate, is a promise to key public figures that such frugality culture will be a thing of the past if put into office. In the past civilian regimes in Anambra State, from 2003 to 2006; be they illegal or disastrous, senators and house of reps members from the State were paid N500, 000 and 250,000 each respectively, at every month end from the State’s meager allocations; using highly inflated security votes. The State Assembly members then routinely fight over “jumbo pay packages”.

A certain former number two man received N10million, likewise other political god fathers. Monies meant for the execution of federal projects in the State, now get into the hands of contractors directly, unlike in the inglorious past when over half of them were shared by federal politicians and their cronies, warranting constructing roads using shovels and head pans. The difference in the quality and pace of work at the ongoing reconstruction of the Onitsha-Enugu Dual Carriage Way as in Anambra and Enugu portions is a clear case in point.  

Today, neither Emeka Umeagbalasi, nor Justice Ijeoma, Aloysius Emeka Attah and other key figures in Anambra Rights Community, has any empty plot or developed plot in Onitsha or any part thereof. While Comrade Aloysius Attah does professional journalism to keep family going, Emeka Umeagbalasi, though measured in Criminology & Security Studies, remains a buyer and seller at the Bridgehead Market in Onitsha and still resides where he parked in 20 years ago. Comrade Justus Ijeoma sustains his law program in the university and his family with petty contract business including managing the restroom of the Tools & Allied Market in Onitsha on contract basis.

Therefore, the reported creation of a CSOs’ liaison office by a certain State Government that distributes N100million or there about to them monthly with instant increases in crises times, should  not be used to judge situations in other Nigeria’s boundary climes. This is because the two approaches are different and are rested on the premise of “libertarian partisanship” versus “egalitarian partisanship”.
The Part Three of this Moment of Truth is in the making. Watch Out!!!


Emeka Umeagbalasi, Chairman of the Board
International Society for Civil Liberties & the Rule of Law
08033601078, 08180103912

Comrade Justus Ijeoma, Head, Publicity Desk

Article: A Nattional Conference Of The People, By The People, And For The People

By Jaye Gaskia
It is important in order to avoid misrepresentation, to once again express and canvass ones views on the ongoing National dialogue or national conference process.
Some preliminary issues of principle are necessary to begin with;
Sovereignty belongs to the people, and not to any of the institutions of governance or state to which they might have under certain circumstances delegated exercise of that sovereignty!
In this respect therefore sovereignty belongs to Nigerian citizens, and not to the National Assembly [NASS], the Presidency, or the Judiciary!
In the second instance, if sovereignty belongs to the people, then the outcome of any structured process of consultation or dialogue on issues that will fundamentally affect the lives of citizens and the delivery of governance must of necessity be subjected to the people for final ratification in a referendum! The final decision in such a process, and on such matters belong to the people, not to their delegated representatives!
Thirdly, there is the overarching and all embracing issue of the nature of the conference, and an agenda for such a structured dialogue of fundamental consequence for the lives and destinies of a people.
Let us break this down a bit; On the structure of the conference, we are very clear that Nigeria as it presently exists; as it existed before colonial conquest and the subsequent 1914 amalgamation; is not a simple motley collection of cohabiting ethnic groups or nationalities! Let us be very clear about this, not once in our history was Nigeria, nor any of the constituent ethnic, cultural and language groups, a simple political entity of those distinct ethnic groups. Even in the pre-colonial period, Kingdoms and polities developed and evolved as a result of economic interaction, and was of conquests, usual fought around access to resources. The Yorubas for example existed as distinct polities, which may be subjugated to larger polities, but which were nevertheless in constant competition with their neighbours, near and distant. The same was true of the Hausas, of the Igbos, of the Ogonis, and of the Ijaws for that matter! In fact I argue that before the dynamics of colonialisation and the struggle for independence took over, there was no one single Yoruba Ethnic National Identiy; nor were their any such for the Hausas or the Igbos. And until the emergence of MOSOP in the late 80s of the last century, or of the Ijaw Youth Council [IYC] of the 90s of the last century; the idea of single ethnic national Ogoni or Ijaw identity was strange, an exception, rather than the norm.
The point being made is that the ethnic identity, like every other identity is a socially constructed identity, and can also socially evolve, and be deconstructed.  Certainly the most significant and disproportionate beneficiaries of the construction and stagnation of ethnic identity; those that have and continue to benefit the most from such ethnic identity constructions; are the elites of the emergent ethnic identity under construction; the political jobbers and ethnic identity entrepreneurs who become millionaires and billionaires as a result of the guaranteed access to state treasury [and thus guaranteed access to treasury looting]that new administrative configurations constructed on the basis of ethnic identities enable them to have; Hence the way that they continue to agitate for re-definition of the structural basis of administration and resource allocation.
If it is therefore true that as a polity, throughout our entire history and evolution, we have not been reduceable to the simple arithmetic sum and collection of ethnic groups; then it is important, instructive, in fact decisive that we insist that any serious national dialogue process or conference cannot be reduced to a mere conference of ethnicities, or a mere national dialogue among ethnic groups.
This is a very important point and demand for citizens to make. A conference, the outcomes of which, citizens shall express their agreement or disagreement; a conference around which the citizens are expected to exercise their sovereignty over its outcome, cannot be an ethnic conference; because the people will not be voting in or as ethnic blocs!
And this point above leads us to a citizens based, and peoples’ needs focused agenda for the conference.
If we must repeat ourselves; the pressing issues affecting ordinary citizens, are national socio-economic and socio-political issues, not ethnic issues.
Poverty is rife across the country, regardless of ethnicity. 70% of us, that is 112 million citizens are living in poverty, this is a sixth of the total population of Africa!
18 million Households across the country regardless of ethnicity or geo-political zone location are homeless: this is according to the Housing deficit figures given by the Federal Government itself! This 18 million housing deficits for 18 million households translates into actually 90 million Nigerians [18 million households x 5 person per household] that are either homeless or live in inhuman habitation! Now these 18 million is more than the population of the whole of Senegal and Gambia put together; while the 90 million housing poor is more than the population of either Egypt or Ethiopia!
Basic infrastructures are lacking, or dilapidated; roads are in terrible conditions and have become death traps; Public healthcare and public education are in ruins; while private healthcare and education are priced out of the reach of the 70% [112 million] who live in poverty! Worldwide 57 million children of school going age are out of school; Nigerian children are 11 million of this 57 million!
Unemployment has become a grievous issue of concern; it grew from 8% in 1999 to 23.9% in 2012 for the general population; while among youths it is almost 50%, which is one in two youth of working age is unemployed and unemployable.
Yet in the midst of this grinding poverty, we have stupendous wealth, and crass ostentatious display of ill-gotten [stolen and looted] wealth.
The Richest African is a Nigerian, who is also the world’s 25th richest man, with a personal fortune almost equal to the entire external savings of the country! The richest black woman is also a Nigerian, with a personal fortune almost 50% of the country’s external debt portfolio! And of the 40 Richest Africans 15 are Nigerians!  Our legislators are not only among the highest paid in the world; they also have earnings 116 times the national per capital income of citizens! No wonder the gap between the rich and the poor is one of the highest the world over.
Through a combination of state patronage and treasury looting, including such other avenues as state protected criminal enterprise, as with oil theft and subsidy theft; we have arrived at a situation in which whereas, the top 10% of wealthiest Nigerians own and control 41% of national wealth; the bottom 20% own only a mere 4% of National wealth!
It is such inequality that have produced the massive poverty and impoverisation of the majority of the citizens; and that has led to the non availability and inaccessibility of basic services and basic social infrastructures; it is why we are one the top countries with the highest costs of doing business and with the lowest Business Confidence Index Globally, at barely 25% and standing 17th lowest BCI rate of more than 100 countries.
It is for all of the above reasons that we insist that the agenda for the conference is socio-economic and socio-political rather than ethnic; and it is for this reasons that we insist that representation must be on the basis of socio-economic forces, and not ethnic forces; and that it is this socio-economic forces who are represented at the conference, and who should also exercise their sovereignty on the outcomes and processes of the conference.
It is important that significant constitutional change will be, not just one that clearly resolves the nature and structure of the fiscal relationship of our federation; not only one that resolves the nature of the federation, whether it is two tier or a three tier federation; but one where the entire corpus of human rights, not just civil and political rights, but also socio- economic and cultural rights are guaranteed and made justiceable! When they are made justiceable, we can institutionalize processes that ensure that on a yearly basis, governments at all levels give an account of what they are doing to fulfill these rights provisions; it is only then that annual state of the nation or stewardship addresses will make meaningful sense; and it is only then that we can ensure that political parties are established and operate on the basis of fulfilling the interests of the citizens when they get into power.
It is only if as citizens we struggle to ensure that a National Conference is called along these lines, structured in this way, with its outcome subject to a popular referendum, that we can speak of a ‘National Conference of the people, by the people, and for the people’.
Without our active struggle, in making and enforcing these demands, what we are going to be saddled with will be at best just another distractive, time wasting and money gulping process; or at worst, a chaotic and cacophonous debate that will inexorably precipitate violent crises.
It is our destiny that is at stake, let us intervene decisively and collectively to stamp our interests on the process and the outcome of the conference. If we do so, we shall be taking a definitive step to Take Back Nigeria, and liberate our country from the gluttonous death grip of these Vagabonds In Power!
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