By SKC Ogbonnia
Unlike my father, my mother Esther Oligwe Ogbonnia hardly
cares who wins or who loses in presidential politics so far there is peace. Not
in 2015!
Full of excitement following Muhammadu Buhari’s victory, I
placed a call to my mother in Nigeria, but she was not her usual cheerful self.
SKC (Me): “Mama, why are you sounding strange?”
Mother: “Hmmm…I am okay but not very okay. There is trouble.
The problem seems to be your friend—the Hausa man. They say the man has become
the president again by force and plans to take away our Bible. They also say he
is the same person who caused us harm during the war, and is going to replace
all our people in government work with Hausa.”
SKC: “Who is saying
all those things about Buhari? When did you become a politician?”
Mother: “Well, I am not a politician. And I may never have
crossed River Niger or know how to count 1.2.3, but I can smell
counterfeit from a distance. My son, the fear of that man is rearing up
everywhere—in the church, our meetings, and the marketplace. Even our ‘who is
who’ in the North have already packed back to
Enugu . I pray this aura of doom will not be felt where you are in America ...”
SKC: “Mama, please do not mind them. I am very happy to have
supported the man. As I told you before, he is better than Jonathan by far. He
will end corruption and provide jobs for our youths. Kidnapping and armed
robbery will go away. Those saying bad things about Buhari are some of the same
people who stole the money meant to complete Ugbo road. They are afraid he will
put them in prison. That is why”
Mother: “So the Buhari man is truly a good person? But did you hear that he locked up Jim
Nwobodo and one good man from
Onitsha area for no just cause?
Do you know they also say that he killed one young boy from Udi Agbaja for
nothing? Biko, how did you know the man?”
SKC: No, I did not know Buhari before. However, when he was
head of state, there was no corruption. Watch…things will change within few
months. NEPA will provide light day and night… You will say, I told you so.”
Mother: “Well, I have heard you, my son. So, we should not
worry? I am feeling better now, but I don’t know about our people. They see the
man as danger…”
Clearly, the general perception of Muhammadu Buhari in the
East before the election was that of a jihadist, dictator, and a bigot—all
roped in one, thanks to a montage of propaganda orchestrated by the Peoples
Democratic Party (PDP). The then ruling party did everything humanly possible
to cling on to power. And you can’t blame them. Having squandered our common
wealth while at the helm, PDP had nothing on the ground for the Igbo masses and
thus needed to sustain mass following by deceit.
For example, one infantile lie drummed since 2011 to prevent
the restless Igbo youths from revolt had been that “Things will get better once
President Goodluck Jonathan zones presidency to the Igbos after his tenure.” It
was not surprising, therefore, that Buhari’s victory was readily seen as a coup
d’état in the East, particularly among the jobless youths, who thence seem to
have nowhere else to perch than clench their angst towards one form of Biafra
or another.
The gist, if it is not already manifest, is that these new
Biafrans, most of who are under the aegis of PDP Youth Wing, are the byproduct
of the party’s gloomy narratives of Buhari. In fact, any careful review of the
recent activities of Nnamdi Kanu, the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra
(IPOB), leaves no one in doubt that his rebellion was heightened by the defeat
of Jonathan and PDP. And it does not take a genius to discern why prominent
opposition leaders from the East have continued to tiptoe around the Biafran
agitation even when it has widened.
For sure, the rallying cry for the current Biafran movement
is the inexplicable marginalization of the Igbos. But we must not ignore one
bitter truth: The last 16 years of democratic rule did not take place under
Muhammadu Buhari or the All Progressive Congress (APC)—but squarely under PDP
where every ethnic group, including the Igbos and their Southern neighbors were
well represented.
Yet both President Buhari and APC have not helped matters.
Upon assuming office, Buhari’s body language, including lopsided political
appointments, began to appear as if the old Eastern Region was an illegal
alien. To add salt to an open injury, the president shocked the democratic
world by stoking a statement generally interpreted as a plot to marginalize the
zones that gave him fewer votes. This gaffe was definitely beyond the pale and
had deserved every damage control.
Sadly, instead of telling the president the simple truth,
many APC leaders went as far lampooning the Igbos for expressing their right to
choose. The ruling party conveniently brushed aside the fact that virtually all
Nigerian presidential elections in history were influenced by ethnic
sentiments, yet there is no record where a section of the country was denied
its share of the national cake on the basis of voting pattern. The whole APC
approach on political appointments triggered a nationwide outrage, with many
groups charging the new government of ethnic chauvinism. According to a faction
of the Movement for the Actualization of Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB),
the development was a clear testament “that Buhari is not seeing Ndigbo as part
of Nigeria .”
The presidency reluctantly addressed the dilemma, quipping
that, “At the end of the exercise, no part of the country will be left feeling
left out.” Unfortunately, recent events suggest otherwise. The much-awaited
ministerial allocations have come and gone but failed to reflect the balance
needed to allay the fear of Igbo marginalization.
Although it is true that Igbos, particularly Chibuike
Amaechi, Kachikwu Ibe, and Godwin Emefiele, occupy powerful positions in the
central government, the gesture is wallowed in mistrust. The crème of Igbo
intelligentsia as well as leaders of the Biafran agitation perceive the motive
as a postwar federal agenda to drive a wedge between the Igbos of the South
East and their brothers and sisters of the South-South. Moreover, many are
dismayed with the attempt by the Federal Government to isolate the history of
Biafran movement solely to the Southeast. After all, not only does the Igbo
territory extend beyond the Southeast, the die-hard leaders of the Biafran war
included the natives of the South-South zone, such as Chukwuma Nzeogwu, Phillip
Effiong, and Joe Achusia, to name a few.
This medley of unforced errors on the part of APC government
did nothing but play into the prevailing PDP narratives—those very fears
narrated by my mother when I had called from America after Buhari’s victory.
Today, the opposition is gaily saying “I told you so.” For the restless Eastern
youths, it was the perfect excuse to finally embrace the call for secession
from Nigeria —with Nnamdi Kanu as the
totemic leader. Kanu has since been arrested and denied bail by the federal
authorities. And different pleas for his release have also been rebuffed,
leading to mass protests and loss of property as well as innocent lives.
But the quagmire must not continue. Rather than brute force,
there is the need for solution through diplomacy.
First, President Buhari should go above the fray and order
without further delay the release of Nnamdi Kanu. There is no doubt that Kanu’s
rhetoric is hugely offensive, and deserves every condemnation, but keeping him
behind bars for expressing his fundamental rights of self-determination does
more harm than good. The matter is gradually gaining worldwide sympathy,
and Nigeria ’s economy must not be
exposed to a new wave of ethnic havoc on top of Boko Haram.
Second, the APC government ought to find ways to dialogue
with the pro-Biafra groups and reassure them of a genuine desire to carry the
Igbos along, with specific attention to youth employment. Such dialogue can
help the agitators to realize that the real enemies include their own brothers,
faceless politicians, who carted away development funds in the East.
Third, but most ironic, if the war against corruption is a
good omen, Buhari must be careful to avoid being mired into another form of
Igbo marginalization. Even though the anticorruption war has already visited
high profile culprits in every other zone of the federation, notorious
politicians in the Southeast are still acting as if Goodluck Jonathan still
holds sway. It is time to double up and expose the political merchants who
abetted ageless money-spinners, such as Enugu-Onitsha/Enugu-PH Expressways, 2nd
River Niger Bridge, Dredging of River Niger, Akanu Ibiam International Airport,
Sam Mbakwe International Cargo Airport, Constitutional Amendment exercise, the
criminal demolition of Eastern Nigeria Secretariat at Enugu and, of course,
various abandoned Constituency projects littered across the area. The president may as well head further south
to unmask the incubus choking other vital projects with huge employment
opportunities, particularly Calabar and PH ports, PH International Airport, and
the East-West Highway . Seeing is
believing. Nothing can assuage the feelings of these youths more than
prosecuting the crooked politicians who exploited the poor masses for selfish
gains.
The view immediately above mirrors a topical goal of the
current Biafran movement which, in its own words, strives to hold accountable
“all looters, embezzlers, kidnappers, sponsors of terrorism, child traffickers,
corrupt judges, crooked university lecturers, murderous Nigerian security forces
and all thieving individuals masquerading as public officials who steal public
funds thereby preventing developmental projects from impacting positively on
the lives of the ordinary people.” This
very idea of the pro-Biafra group is hardly unpopular. In fact, one may think
their statement was adapted word-for-word from the campaign book of President
Muhammadu Buhari. Said differently, these youths and Buhari share common dreams
for a corrupt free society, after all. And they need each other. Sustaining our
hard-fought change demands broad participation across the breadth and depth
of Nigeria .
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